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On the Face in the News
Lebanese and Israelis blog
the war: edited by Michael Totten
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View Article  We watch them and they watch us



I took this photo just a few minutes ago, of Israel Channel 10's news coverage of our little war. It shows Zvi Yehezkeli, who covers Arab affairs and has been giving excellent summaries of the Arab media (Noorster and I have a huge crush on him). Al Manar TV, Hezbollah television, is showing Zvi live while he is in the Tel Aviv studio. They are broadcasting our broadcast in real time, from Beirut, translating from Hebrew into Arabic what Zvi is saying, and responding in real time. "We can see you!" said the Al Manar moderator, mockingly, as he smiled into the camera.

Zvi is listening to the whole thing via his earphone, and he even posed a question in Arabic.

This is just one example of how mad and complex this conflict is: We watch each other's television broadcasts, we talk to one another, and then...we bomb each other.

This morning a friend of mine called from Gaza. He's not a journalist, not a politician - just an ordinary Palestinian guy in his twenties. He lives down the street from the offices of Hamas's Ministry of the Interior in Gaza, which was bombed a few days ago by an Israeli fighter plane. He has about two hours of electricity a day in his house and about as much running water. But he called me to ask if I was okay, after he saw on Al Jazeera television that Nasrallah was threatening to bomb Tel Aviv. "I'm worried about you," he said.

And late, late last night I chatted via Instant Message with this Lebanese blogger, while he sat on the roof of his apartment building and watched Israeli fighter planes bomb Beirut.

More soon.
View Article  Another Israeli point of view
I need a little time to write about my trip to Haifa, which was a fascinating day with many unexpected conversations. While I write about it, I've posted my translation of an article I read on an Israeli portal called Nana ("mint").  It is long, but I think it is very interesting and well worth reading. I hope that Lebanese readers, in particular, will take note that some of the most thoughtful and interesting Israeli voices are not translated into English and that there is a far wider range of opinion in this country than you might know. The link to the Hebrew article is here. Hebrew speakers, please let me know if I made any errors in the translation.

Saying no to a second war of failure
 

Despite the Lebanese government’s attempts to distance itself from Hezbollah’s attacks, the IDF has decided to turn it into a scapegoat. Heaven forbid they should attack those who are really guilty

July 13, 2006

By Yossi Gurvitz

 
Starting from yesterday, every Israeli official blamed the Lebanese government for the Hezbollah attack on Israel, which resulted in the kidnapping of two soldiers and the killing of three. In a particularly hypocritical fashion, spokesman after spokesman protested the violation of Israeli sovereignty - as if the Israeli Air Force had not violated Lebanese air space time after time with flyovers. And in order to make it clear that those were not just words, the IDF attacked Lebanon’s power stations, its airport and Lebanese Air Force bases.

Spokesman after spokesman blamed the Lebanese government for violating UN Security Council resolution 1559, which calls for the dismantling of Hezbollah. But they elegantly ignored the fact that Israel has failed to abide by a whole string of UN resolutions - primarily 242 and 338, which call for withdrawal from the territories that were conquered in 1967.

But this time we’re not talking merely of a victorious propaganda war. This time, the IDF is endangering not just the lives of its soldiers and the citizens of Israel with its operations. It is also significantly endangering peace in the entire Middle East.

The Cedar Revolution

When Syrian agents assassinated the former Lebanese prime minister, Rafik Hariri, they probably thought it was just another assassination. After all, Syrian agents had already assassinated more than 15 senior Lebanese officials. But that assassination blew up in their faces: A national movement of rage was ignited in Lebanon, forcing the Syrian regime to withdraw from Lebanon.

The Cedar Revolution threatened to shake Bashir Assad’s throne as well. Whilst his father was devious, strong and cruel, Bashir inherited only his cruelty. With incredible stupidity, he started to blow up anti-Syrian journalists throughout Lebanon. It didn’t help: The Lebanese elected a democratic and independent government, and even though Syria’s collaborators in Lebanon – the Hezbollah – succeeded in getting a couple of representatives elected, the government is without a shadow of a doubt anti-Syrian.

This had a direct effect on Syria: Bashir Assad’s throne began to shake. Last week, Syria was forced to announce that it had arrested about 300 anti-regime intellectuals who had dared to hold a public demonstration in front of the presidential palace. That would have never happened to Papa Assad.

And Lebanese democracy, which would not have come into existence if not for the American forces on the border with Iraq, as the leader of the Lebanese Druze testified, radiates throughout the region. It is difficult to overestimate the importance of the first Arab democracy. In Egypt, the opposition is lifting its head; in Jordan, reforms are taking place; Saudi Arabia was forced to hold elections – limited, local and only for men, but elections nonetheless; the “parliament of poodles” in Kuwait woke up, started to snap its teeth and women finally won the right to vote.

We love to criticize Al Jazeera, and with good reason. It doesn’t exactly employ a lot of Israel lovers. But it does not only broadcast photos of the massacres we have committed, or the decapitation of prisoners in Iraq. It also broadcast directly from the Lebanese revolution. And those images were broadcast to every home in the Middle East, showing that there was another way.

The war of cultures

We are accustomed to thinking of ourselves as a people who live apart, and do not consider themselves one of the nations; that was never really true, and it is certainly not true today. It’s time to extract our national head from our armpit and stop looking at the world in terms of “the Jews against the goyim,” to stop looking at history as “the history of the Jews” versus “general history” and look at what’s happening around us. Over the past 30 years, the Muslim world has been torn by civil war. The failure of the secular Arab governments and humiliation in the face of the Western world, have led to the radicalization of Islam.   That radicalization began previously – the Muslim Brotherhood was founded in the 1920’s – but it reached its peak in recent years.

The moderates of the Muslim world are defending themselves desperately. The extremists face no difficulty in slaughtering them. But if the free world has any kind of hope, it is not to be found in actions like the invasion of Iraq, but in the victory of Western values - in the victory of democracy over tyranny, free thought over religious intolerance, nationality over ethnic identity, the individual over the tribe.

The fragile Lebanese democracy represents all of these values, and it is converting – slowly, it is true, and with difficulty – followers from the Muslim street. Hezbollah’s operation – the long arm of Tehran and Damascus – was directed against Lebanon no less than it was directed against Israel. Arab democracy, an alternative to Islam, frightens the Islamists more than Israeli democracy.

Bombing Damascus

On the day that the Lebanon War [the IDF invasion of 1982] broke out, two important articles were published. The first, in Haaretz newspaper, clearly underlined the true target of that war: The conquest of Lebanon and the installation of a puppet Christian president. The article cried out for public opposition to that goal. The second was published in Yedioth Ahronoth, with the headline: “Quiet, we’re shooting!” Yedioth won, because strong words will always drown out thought when the blood is boiling.

The army, with lies and deceptive maps, as the head of the northern command Amram Mitzna testified at Ariel Sharon’s trial, dragged the government into a war that was wider than planned. It knew that the public, drunk with cries for revenge, would not stand in its way.

Today the army, crazed with humiliation and rage, is dragging us into a second Lebanon War. The butting bull is not bothering to check whether the china dishes will break as a result of its wild behaviour. It knows that there is no government which will stand up to its bellowing for revenge. But if we do not wish to be part of a culture war, and we do not want once again to be stuck in the mud of Lebanon, we need to rein in the destructive animal.

Israel’s answer should be simple: an ultimatum to the Lebanese government to return unhurt all the Israeli prisoners, within one week. At the same time, we should demand that Nasrallah be arrested and put on trial at the International Court of Justice at The Hague, because the shelling of civilian areas is certainly a war crime.   If Israeli pressure is joined by international pressure, it will strengthen the Lebanese government and help it to dismantle the Hezbollah – and the dismantling of the Hezbollah is a UN demand.

At the same time, Israeli Air Force planes should reduce to dust the palace of the tyrant in Damascus, and bomb its army from the air. That way Israel will destroy the real target – while simultaneously helping to liberate Lebanon.  That message – that a murderous Arab tyranny is collapsing because it tried to undermine its two democratic neighbours – will provide great encouragement to the Arab street.

That is the path we could have taken, if we had only stopped to think. But no: We let the blood blind our eyes and our thoughts, we listened to the army’s promises, and we let it do its job. And even if something exceptional occurs, it will become clear that when we let the army do its job, it manages to undermine both Israel and its residents.

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